Canada’s system of refugee exclusion

Web Editor

Roxana Parsa (3L)

The image of young Alan Kurdi lying lifeless on the shore brought public attention to Canada’s destructive policies and attitudes toward the global refugee crisis. The outpouring of criticism towards the government’s continued failures to provide assistance has begun to affirm years of work by refugee advocates. While there seems to be a sincere desire to help amongst individuals and communities, this is not enough. The power of a single image is fleeting, and the conversation around the crisis needs to continue onward to examine the systemic barriers facing refugees in Canada.

The media’s attention has largely focused on the need for immediate assistance for Syrian refugees. This need is of course urgent and predominant. Syrians are by far the fastest growing group of refugees, with an estimated four million who have been forced to flee their homes. Neighboring Gulf countries have continuously failed to provide major assistance, pushing Syrians to face the dangerous journey towards Europe.

Western governments are being forced to face the question of these Syrian refugees. Immigration Minister Chris Alexander recently announced new measures to speed up private efforts to bring Syrian refugees to Canada, with the promise of bringing 10,000 refugees by September 2016. While on its face there seems to be a slowly emerging reaction to the crisis, the backdrop of this narrative remains troubling.

As pointed out in a recent article by U of T Law’s Audrey Macklin, the government’s intent to prioritize Syrian “ethnic and religious minorities” remains code for helping model refugees—mainly Christians and non-mainstream Muslims. This attitude is not surprising when viewed in conjunction with the complete lack of media and governmental response given to other large groups fleeing their homes as refugees, stemming mostly from the Horn of Africa. Eritrean and Somalian refugees form a substantial portion of refugees fleeing towards Europe, yet they are rarely a part of the public conversation. It is impossible to ignore the role played by race and religion of the other in continuing to shape much of our attitudes and policies towards refugees.

Moreover, the focus needs to move beyond discussing shallow assistance and towards policies which will enable more refugees to settle in Canada. While quickening the timeline of accepted individuals is a positive (albeit minor) step, the process for refugee settlement is ultimately shrouded in unnecessary bureaucracy. While Chris Alexander has announced a removal of “red tape,” it is unclear how the process will be streamlined, and the Canadian Council for Refugees has called for a stronger, more secure government commitment. The current scale of the refugee crisis is too vast to allow for these procedures to continue as they are.

The government’s focus on establishing private sponsorship of refugees places a huge burden on individuals and evades any responsibility to resettle government-assisted refugees. Sponsorships will continue to embed everyone involved in a process that can take several years to complete. This can be particularly harmful to those attempting to sponsor their own family members. As a caseworker in the refugee division at DLS, it has become extremely clear to me the ways the functioning of the refugee system can continuously traumatize individuals within it. The endless periods of waiting during the process have an enormous effect on the mental health of refugees, and many will remain separated from their families for years on end. The government’s failure to provide alternative solutions highlights the lack of real desire to assist these families.

The dialogue surrounding the refugee crisis needs to continue moving forward and must focus on broader issues of systemic change. The reality is that in the current situation, Canada’s refugee policy remains embedded in overly bureaucratic and discretionary processes which do not demonstrate its apparent commitment to providing asylum.

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